Sistema De Comércio Escravidão

História em foco Abolir o comércio de escravos James Walvin O bi-centenário da abolição britânica do tráfico de escravos em 1807 parece outra oportunidade para entrar em bom senso comunal: comemorar uma legislação dramática que põe fim a uma indignação ética e religiosa e Que inaugurou uma nova maneira de lidar com o mundo em geral. Antes de 1807, os britânicos dominavam o comércio de navais africanos para as plantações das Américas. Mas, depois de 1807, a Royal Navy (aderiu aos americanos um ano depois) tornou-se um oponente mundial feroz contra o comércio de escravos. O caçador de escravos mais bem sucedido do século XVIII (navios britânicos carregou mais de três milhões de africanos naquele século) tornou-se o auto-nomeado goleiro do século XIX. Foi um deslumbrante quadro legislativo e estratégico volte. No entanto, quanto mais examinamos 1807, a abolição mais problemática aparece. O que parece, a primeira vista, direto, torna-se rapidamente um enigma histórico e moral complexo. Antes da abolição, no entanto, havia uma forma de escravidão racialmente racial concebida pelos europeus para a conquista e o desenvolvimento de regiões-chave das Américas. Satisfazer o apetite voraz das plantações americanas exigiam a escravidão e o transporte oceânico de milhões de africanos. Os europeus se voltaram para o trabalho escravizado nas Américas (no momento em que o abandonaram na Europa), não por qualquer razão ideológica ou filosófica. A demanda por mão-de-obra foi gerada pelo surgimento de plantações intensivas em mão-de-obra que produzem grampos tropicais para consumo ocidental. Mas por que a África e por que os escravos (A palavra escravo está rapidamente perdendo o favor entre os historiadores escravizados está se tornando a palavra de escolha, mesmo que ele crie enormes complexidades de expressão.) Os primeiros aventureiros e comerciantes marítimos europeus na África Ocidental não foram à procura de escravos, Mas para produtos africanos bem conhecidos (especialmente o ouro) tradicionalmente adquiridos através de rotas comerciais terrestres. Mas no processo, eles encontraram formas de escravidão e tráfico de escravos africanos. Eles compraram os africanos, os enviaram de volta para Portugal e Espanha, depois para as ilhas do Atlântico, onde foram inseridos em vários papéis como papéis escravizados. Em meados do século XV, cerca de oitocentos africanos por ano chegaram a Portugal. Os europeus ainda ficaram muito interessados ​​em ouro e especiarias, mas tudo isso mudou com a ascensão das plantações de açúcar. O açúcar de cana foi transplantado de plantações no Mediterrâneo para as ilhas do Atlântico, e mais tarde para as ilhas ao largo da costa africanaSao Thome and Principe. Os mercados europeus não conseguiram obter açúcar suficiente, principalmente para misturar com suas novas bebidas, chá e café (ambos amargos). Quanto mais açúcar produziam as plantações, mais trabalhadores africanos precisavam. Se o comércio de africanos encontrou dificuldades em um trecho da costa africana, os comerciantes europeus simplesmente levaram os navios para outro lado do litoral da África. A partir de origens aleatórias, desenvolveu-se essa zona rastejante de comércio de escravos costeiros que caracterizava o tráfico de escravos por séculos. Mas foi totalmente transformado por eventos no outro lado do Atlântico. Lá, os primeiros esforços para cultivar açúcar usando mão de obra indígena, falharam na denegação universal dos índios para se curvarem às disciplinas importadas do trabalho de plantação (além da devastação causada por doenças e doenças importadas). Com os colonos europeus nunca suficientes e enfrentados por uma força de trabalho indígena que desapareceu ou morrendo, os colonos pioneiros recuaram sobre o sistema trabalhista já tentado na Espanha, em Portugal e nas ilhas do Atlântico, trabalho escravo africano. Em 1600, a crescente indústria açucareira brasileira havia provado que as plantações de açúcar, usando escravos africanos, poderiam gerar prosperidade em uma escala notável - embora não para os africanos. Os britânicos foram atrasados, mas (juntamente com os franceses) se juntaram com crescente entusiasmo após a aquisição de suas ilhas do Caribe a partir da década de 1620. Este novo sistema comercial relaciona intimamente os povos e as economias de três continentes. Os comerciantes europeus chegaram na costa africana em embarcações repletas de bens europeus (e mais tarde asiáticos) para serem trocados por plantações coloniais africanas devoraram escravos africanos pela carga do barco e os navios entrantes estavam cheios de produtos escravos para ardecer o insaciável apetite europeu por tropicais Grampos. Era um sistema agrícola-industrial altamente bem-sucedido (as fábricas de açúcar eram o coração das plantações de açúcar) que foram rapidamente copiadas em outras culturas e regiões de tabaco no Chesapeake, arroz na Carolina, café em altitudes mais elevadas e, finalmente, algodão No sul dos Estados Unidos no século XIX. As consequências culturais e econômicas foram vastas. E, em todos os lugares, todo o sistema dependia do fornecimento de africanos. O número de africanos envolvidos é surpreendente. Temos registros de cerca de 35 mil viagens de escravos que podem ter sido 40,000 no total antes que o comércio do Atlântico fosse efetivamente encerrado na década de 1860. Cerca de doze milhões de africanos foram carregados para os navios escravos, mais de dez milhões de sobreviventes espalhados pelas Américas, em grande parte no Brasil e no Caribe (a América do Norte levou menos de dez por cento do total). Revelando, cerca de setenta por cento de todos os africanos foram destinados, inicialmente pelo menos, às colônias de açúcar. Embora as figuras possam confundir, e nunca podem ser como a história completa, são vitais para uma apreciação precisa da importância da escravização dos africanos. Por exemplo, antes da década de 1820, cerca de dois milhões e meio de europeus haviam atravessado o Atlântico para se instalar nas Américas. Mas no mesmo período, quase oito milhões e meio de africanos haviam sido transportados da África para os navios escravos. Nas regiões tropicais e subtropicais críticas das Américas, o principal pioneiro da conquista e do assentamento era o africano, e havia bandas das Américas dominadas não pelos europeus e suas culturas transplantadas, mas pelos africanos. Este comércio atlântico dos africanos foi um problema nas lutas estratégicas e estratégicas entre os poderes marítimos europeus. A melhor forma de regulamentar (e fiscalizar) o comércio, a melhor forma de promovê-lo (monopólio ou comércio aberto) para a melhor vantagem colonial e metropolitana, e como dominá-lo e excluir rivais e intrusos. Tudo isso e mais foram temas importantes na economia européia , Pensamento diplomático e estratégico entre o início do século XVI e meados do século XIX. O comércio dos africanos tornou-se um lubrificante do comércio e do comércio em todo o vasto litoral do Atlântico estabelecido e comercial. Na verdade, chegou ainda mais longe do que isso, sugando commodities e comércio de lugares distantes e assentamentos na Ásia (têxteis indianos, coqueiros das Maldivas) e penetrando profundamente nos interiores americanos, muito além da visão e dos europeus. O sistema escravo do Atlântico teve grande alcance e conseqüências globais. Todos os principais poderes marítimos da Europes tornaram-se traficantes de escravos, mas o comércio foi dominado por aqueles com colônias de escravos nas Américas, por sua vez, os portugueses, holandeses, ingleses e britânicos ajudaram, naturalmente, por seus colonos coloniais na Américas, nomeadamente os brasileiros e os norte-americanos. Os navios escravos adquiriram os africanos de um extenso trecho costeiro, da Senegâmbia ao sul a Angola e ao redor do Cabo até Madagascar. Mas, no final do século XVIII, o apogeu do comércio, a maior parte dos africanos foram retirados de uma região mais estreita da África Central ocidental costeira. É claro que as regiões da escravidão original em que os africanos foram inicialmente enslavedmdashoften entraram profundamente na África, emaranhando as sociedades africanas longe da visão e do conhecimento dos comerciantes na costa. Os comerciantes de escravos externos se colocavam nervosamente na costa, alguns em castelos ou assentamentos comerciais, mas a maioria operava a bordo de seus navios, lidando com comerciantes africanos que levaram presos em pequenos lotes a serem trocados pela variedade de bens que esperavam nas prisões. Esta transferência de africanos para os navios de escração não poderia ter prosperado como ocorreu sem a chegada dos africanos na costa através de outros comerciantes e comerciantes africanos, eles próprios ligados a distantes trades de interior em pessoas escravizadas. O impulso era a segurança de cativos para o movimento para os navios escravos no Atlântico. Por toda a sua violência e incerteza e, apesar do sentimento global de medo, tornou-se um sistema comercial maduro e sofisticado. Os anos de pico do comércio atlântico foram 1690-1807 quando algo como seis milhões de africanos foram transportados para as Américas, quase metade deles em navios norte-americanos britânicos ou britânicos. Destes, entre um quinto e um quarto passaram pelo Atlântico em navios de Liverpool. Aqui está um ponto crítico em toda a história, e um com uma grande ressonância para 2007. O comércio de escravos do Atlântico não era apenas um exótico off-shoot da história britânica dominante, mas, como a própria escravidão, fazia parte da urdidura e da Da experiência histórica britânica. No entanto, sua importância foi borrada pela distância e pela geografia: visto da Grã-Bretanha está por lá, fora da vista e fora da mente. Além disso, a intimidade da escravidão com a vida britânica foi muitas vezes desviada, estranhamente, pela própria abolição. Houve uma tendência a pensar sobre o envolvimento dos britânicos com a escravidão em grande parte em sua abolição da morte na década de 1807 ou na emancipação em 1833ndash38 (quando o Parlamento compensou os proprietários de escravos com 20 milhões maciços) do que ver a escravidão como tema principal da história britânica do século XVIII . A discussão sobre a moral e a sensibilidade britânicas em 1807 serviu para obscurecer o que aconteceu antes. E o que aconteceu antes não era apenas importante para a Grã-Bretanha, mas era brutal em uma escala que, mesmo agora, dificilmente é credível. À medida que o comércio crescia e, à medida que suas ramificações econômicas e sociais se multiplicavam, as vozes de objeção eram poucas e eram amplamente ignoradas, silenciadas ou marginalizadas pela marcha implacável de um comércio lucrativo. Mesmo o Parlamento (agora famoso por sua Lei de Abolição de 1807), durante um século e meio, estava mais preocupado com a legislação para auxiliar o tráfico de escravos, para manter a tranquilidade das colônias de escravos e para encorajar a crescente prosperidade do escravo Baseada na economia. As vozes de indignação religiosa ou moral foram simplesmente afugentadas pelo tumulto do comércio lucrativo. Desde o primeiro, no entanto, os exércitos dos escravizados arrasaram contra a escravidão e, uma e outra vez, procuraram acabar ou mitigar. Desde o momento da escravização, através da travessia do Atlântico, até a corrida diária da escravidão nas plantações, as vítimas de escravidão sentiram suas objeções. (Sabemos, por exemplo, que cerca de dez por cento de todos os navios de escração sofreram alguma forma de revolta.) Os comerciantes de escravos eram permanentemente temerosos e sob sua guarda contra a insurreição. Os plantadores também viveram suas vidas sob a sombra da resistência e da ameaça dos escravos. De fato, a violência da vida diária de plantação só faz sentido quando pesado contra a onipresença e a profundidade do ressentimento dos escravos. No entanto, a escravidão sobreviveu, durante séculos, e parecia imune a críticas externas. Então, dentro de um período relativamente curto, este império escravo incontrolável e incontestável (incontestável, isto é, salvo as ameaças internas dos escravizados) começou a se separar. O primeiro grande golpe foi a abolição do tráfico de escravos. Havia críticas profundas sobre a escravidão intelectual na escrita francesa e escocesa do Iluminismo. Mas a abolição britânica teve origens mais imediatas. Em primeiro lugar, foram os casos de escravos ingleses aquela série de processos judiciais que se concentraram na legalidade da escravidão na própria Inglaterra. A partir de 1760, este desafio legal tinha, em Granville Sharp, um ativista resoluto determinado a provar a ilegalidade da escravidão na Inglaterra e a impedir a remoção de africanos de volta às colônias de escravos contra sua vontade. O ponto culminante de sua campanha foi a decisão de Lord Mansfield, no caso de Somerset de 1772, que, apesar de ter um foco legal estreito (que os negros não puderam ser removidos legalmente da Inglaterra) teve o efeito de minar a escravidão na Inglaterra. Sharpe, amigo pessoal de africanos angustiados e militante incansável em seu favor, foi o primeiro verdadeiro herói inglês da abolição. O principal ponto de inflexão no entanto foi o rompimento das colônias americanas em 1776ndash1783. A ideologia dessa revolução estabeleceu um vernáculo universal de igualdade que não poderia ser simplesmente limitado a pessoas brancas (seu impacto na escravidão na América do Norte, porém, tomou uma trajetória diferente). Essa guerra também deixou os britânicos com milhares de ex-escravos leais em suas mãos pessoas que aceitaram a oferta britânica de liberdade em troca de se juntarem ao lado britânico (perdedor). Este grupo foi espalhado para um destino frio na Nova Escócia ou para a penúria nas ruas de Londres, o último atraindo esforços de caridade para aliviá-los em 1787, o que, eventualmente, provocou um esquema apoiado pelo governo para incentivar a migração negra para a Serra Leoa. Da confusão desse esquema surgiu o único porta-voz negro que trouxe uma voz africana para os argumentos sobre a abolição da morte de Olaudah Equiano. Os africanos e seus descendentes fizeram seu próprio impacto na abolição, mas foi, até a década de 1780, à distância, e em uma forma que muitas vezes foi ignorada pelos historiadores. O persistente rumor de miséria e descontentamento escravizados estava atrás do controle violentamente draconiano exercido pelo comerciante de escravos e plantadores. Às vezes, o que aconteceu com os escravizados era quase impossível, e na década de 1780 essa evidência começou a circular por toda a Grã-Bretanha. Para simplesmente dizer, a campanha de propaganda desencadeada pelos abolicionistas iniciais foi projetada para chocar o povo britânico que respondeu com um extraordinário surgimento da oposição popular à escravidão depois de 1787. Todo o movimento foi impulsionado pelo Comitê de Abolição, fundado em 1787 por um grupo dominado Pelos quacres com um pequeno número de anglicanos. Eles queriam acabar com a escravidão, mas também apreciaram a necessidade de um objetivo prático e politicamente realizável, o tráfico de escravos era o alvo óbvio. Os quakers eram vitais e sua importância era desproporcional em relação ao número deles. Eles tinham uma organização nacional eficiente que foi posta ao serviço da abolição (assim como seus laços importantes com os Quakers norte-americanos), eles eram alfabetizados, tinham editores e escritores dispostos e ofereceram uma cama para falantes itinerantes. Na verdade, a abolição surgiu com uma organização nacional pré-fabricada. Em semanas, dezenas de milhares de caminhos abolicionistas vieram cuspindo as prensas, e foram distribuídos de forma eficiente em todos os cantos da Grã-Bretanha. Eles foram rapidamente devorados por pessoas cada vez mais alfabetizadas, muitas das quais, nas áreas urbanas mais novas, foram empurradas para a abolição por suas próprias igrejas dissidentes. Em Thomas Clarkson, o infatigável soldado do movimento, a abolição, teve um brilhante pesquisador e palestrante, que visitou o país sem parar, falando com multidões onde quer que ele fosse, e acumulando dados persuasivos para apresentar ao Parlamento. Ali, Wilberforce aceitou o papel de líder político. (Quando a abolição finalmente passou em 1807, deputados de todos os cantos admitiram que nunca teria conseguido sem Wilberforce.) Após 1787, a abolição foi instantaneamente popular e em uma escala totalmente inesperada. As petições caíram de todo o país, dezenas de milhares de pessoas, homens e mulheres, e de todas as classes sociais, acrescentaram seus nomes à demanda por abolição. Uma e outra vez, os organizadores ficaram surpresos com a popularidade do sentimento de abolição. Mas eles precisavam conquistar o Parlamento (especialmente os Senhores resistentes). Quando várias comissões parlamentares começaram a ouvir evidências sobre o tráfico de escravos após 1788, a evidência, orquestrada por Thomas Clarkson, era impressionante e terrível. Tornou-se evidente para mais e mais pessoas, dentro e fora do Parlamento, que os benefícios gerados pelo comércio de escravos vieram em uma escandalosa presunção em uma escala vasta e inimaginável, por dezenas de milhares de africanos e seus descendentes. Poucos duvidaram ou argumentaram que o sistema permaneceu rentável, e aqueles mais intimamente envolvidos (comerciantes, comerciantes e plantadores) permaneceram vociferantes em defesa do tráfico de escravos. Eles não mostraram sinais de sofrer derrota por causa da falha econômica. De fato, o tráfico de escravos foi tão dinâmico como já aconteceu nos últimos anos, quando passou por um ataque feroz depois de 1787. Naquela década, mais de mil navios britânicos foram carregados com 300 mil africanos para as Américas. Se alguém envolvido sentiu que o comércio da humanidade africana estava em declínio, eles mantiveram suas preocupações para si mesmos. Houve, no entanto, algumas mudanças importantes dentro desse comércio que ajudam a explicar suas possíveis fraquezas. Uma proporção crescente de africanos estava sendo transportada através de ilhas britânicas (onde as populações escravizadas locais começavam a aumentar naturalmente) para as outras colônias de escravos europeias, principalmente para as ilhas francesas em expansão. A Revolução Francesa inicialmente incentivou a abolição, mas o crescente caos na França lançou o movimento em confusão. Então, em 1791, a espectacular revolta dos escravos em São Domingos (Haiti) e, depois de 1793, a guerra com a França efetivamente descarrilou a abolição. A violência dos escravos tocou nas mãos do lobby dos escravos, confirmando tudo o que sempre reivindicaram: a manipulação da escravidão e o desastre seguirão. Pitt, um dos primeiros defensores da abolição, agora viu a oportunidade de aproveitar a lucrativa colônia francesa de St. Domingue, mas a invasão britânica provou ser um desastre militar e os britânicos recuaram, com grandes baixas, expulsos por doenças e exército de ex - Escravos. A abolição, compreensivelmente, languished. Reavivou-se novamente, nos primeiros anos do novo século, encorajado pelo surgimento de uma nova administração liderada por partidários abolicionistas (Fox e Grenville) e ajudada pelos esforços de Napoleão para repor a escravidão nas ilhas francesas. Para atacar o tráfico de escravos, agora ajudaria a minar os planos de Napoleão para o Caribe, a abolição poderia parecer moral e estratégica. Quando o Parlamento aprovou a Lei (1806) que proíbe o comércio de escravos com colônias estrangeiras, pretendia atacar interesses franceses. Mas isso também prejudicou a maior parte do comércio britânico. O Ato de 1807 que prosseguiu o comércio totalmente, o Ato que comemoramos este ano, foi simplesmente o golpe de graça para um processo implementado no ano anterior. Celebrações no Parlamento (apenas dezesseis votaram contra a abolição em 1807) centraram-se em Wilberforce. Mas é plausível que uma mudança política tão importante possa ser o trabalho de um homem. É igualmente credível que uma mudança tão enorme tenha acontecido sem uma grande mudança nos interesses próprios britânicos subjacentes. Aqui enfrentamos o legado de Eric Williams e seu Livro seminal, o capitalismo e a escravidão. Esta história pode ser contada sem os elementos determinantes da causalidade econômica. Qual foi a conexão entre economia e abolição em 1807. Os historiadores continuam a circular em torno dos argumentos e da tese de Williams. No curso da minha carreira, eu mudei minha própria mente. Cheguei ao assunto convencido do argumento de Williams de que a economia explica a abolição. Hoje, o argumento é muito menos persuasivo (embora, estranhamente, mais amplamente aceito do que nunca). Para começar, as evidências não somam tão facilmente. O comércio de escravos cresceu nos últimos anos quando foi atacado. Terminou quando os africanos estavam em grande demanda. Da mesma forma, está longe de ser claro que os lucros da escravidão sustentaram a mudança de britânicos para o crescimento industrial. No entanto, isso está longe de negar a importância econômica do sistema de escravos para a Grã-Bretanha antes de 1807. Como poderia ter sido, afinal, todo o sistema atlântico foi concebido para o bem-estar econômico e o progresso (exceto para os africanos e a África). O valor econômico do tráfico de escravos era visível e inevitável. Havia enormes indústrias de construção naval e de montagem que sustentavam o comércio de escravos por toda parte. A maioria dos milhares de navios escravos que navegavam para a África estavam repletos de carga desordenada por uma série de indústrias britânicas: têxteis do país oeste, mais tarde de produtos metálicos de Lancashire de armas de fogo de Sheffield (enviadas por centenas de milhares) de Birmingham. As plantações de escravos nas colônias americanas eram igualmente dependentes de bens importados (e pessoas). Os africanos nos campos de açúcar usavam roupas e chapéus importados, usavam enxadas importadas, eixos e outras ferramentas, os animais foram aproveitados em couro importado (e os escravos batidos por chicotes importados). As casas dos plantadores foram preenchidas com produtos das indústrias britânicas, desde talheres e louças nas mesas até os livros nas prateleiras. Finalmente, é claro, barris e fardos de produtos cultivados com escravos foram embalados em navios de regresso, para alimentar os outros setores em expansão do Reino Unido, economizando os negócios de transformação, distribuição e varejo. Açúcar para as refinarias de Bristol e Liverpool, tabaco do Chesapeake passando o Clyde para os armazéns em Glasgow, tudo antes de chegar a milhões de consumidores através dessa profusão de lojas que Adam Smith e Napoleão comentaram. Os frutos do trabalho escravo ajudaram a transformar o tecido e a paisagem da vida urbana britânica. Olhe para as mansões de tabaco de Glasgows, as finas casas de comerciantes e comerciantes em Bristol e Liverpool. Olhe também para os retiros rurais dos retornados mais espectacularmente bem-sucedidos das colônias escravas: Harewood House em Yorkshire, Penryhn Castle, perto de Bangor. Raspe a superfície da Grã-Bretanha do meio do século XVIII, e a escravidão transborda rapidamente até a superfície. Pensa-se, por exemplo, que na década de 1780, quarenta por cento dos rendimentos das pessoas em Bristol eram baseados em escravos. E o Liverpool não era diferente. Havia outras consequências econômicas menos óbvias. O desenvolvimento de um sistema de crédito, por exemplo, um sistema de demolição para um sistema tão prolongado e distante como a escravidão (quando as viagens podem levar dezoito meses e onde o crédito era necessário em todos os cantos do sistema comercial atlântico). Era um sistema de crédito que alimentava o desenvolvimento de um novo sistema bancário na Grã-Bretanha provincial e, além do papel da Cidade de Londres, cujos banqueiros e seguradoras investiram e eram beneficiários da escravidão do Atlântico. Novamente, para declarar o assunto simplesmente, o sucesso contínuo do comércio e do comércio do Atlântico estava intimamente ligado ao sucesso e à expansão do sistema escravo. O que é igualmente claro é que aqueles que mais fizeram o sistema do Atlântico eram aqueles que se dedicavam à escravidão. Para quem duvida dos benefícios econômicos do sistema, visite as casas de comerciantes e plantadores em Natchez, Nova Orleans ou Mobile, as Grandes Casas na Jamaica, Barbados e Brasil, ou casas de comerciantes em Liverpool, Bristol e Glasgowmdashall, garantidas por escravizados Trabalhadores africanos nas Américas. Mas essa mesma máquina escrava geradora de riqueza também criou pobreza e miséria em uma escala épica. As populações empobrecidas africanas das Américas possibilitaram o bem-estar material do oeste, mas pouco a pouco obtidas. Tudo isso nos leva de volta ao enigma básico. Por que os britânicos deveriam acabar com o comércio de escravos no ponto em que estava na ascendência. Os resultados de 1807 foram, é claro, profundos. Depois de 1807, o Britishmdash seguiu pelos americanos em 1808 e tornou-se um poder abolicionista cruzado, usando a Royal Navy e a diplomacia para impor a abolição aos outros. Mesmo assim, mais de um milhão de africanos foram enviados ilegalmente pelo Atlântico após 1807, principalmente para Cuba e o Brasil. A escravidão em si mesmo sobreviveu, é claro, nas colônias britânicas até 1833-1938, nos EUA até a Guerra Civil, no Brasil até 1888. E isso foi além do legado destrutivo do tráfico de escravos dentro da própria África, e a continuação (de fato Prosperando) o escravo negocia norte e leste da África tropical. Em um acidente vascular cerebral em 1807, os britânicos mudaram sua política comercial e estratégica. A Royal Navy, uma vez guardiã das escravas do Atlântico, era agora o flagelo dos traficantes de escravos. O Parlamento, uma vez que uma legislatura ansiosa para promover os interesses dos escravos britânicos, agora estava casada com a abolição global (embora também estivesse interessada em enviar mão-de-obra indiana contratada para preencher os aspirantes trabalhistas em torno do mundo colonial). Doravante, os britânicos se orgulharam de suas credenciais abolicionistas. No entanto, se a escravidão fosse imortal ao cristão em 1807, por que não em 1707 o que havia mudado não era a escravidão e o tráfico de escravos (tanto flutuante como em expansão nos anos anteriores a 1807), mas a própria Grã-Bretanha. Houve uma mudança das placas tectônicas que sustentam a vida britânica, uma mudança que produziu grandes mudanças na sensibilidade e atitudes. Novas formas de dissidência religiosa, uma população mais alfabetizada, o impacto dos ideais democráticos, sentaram a base para o abolicionismo popular (em si mesmo, numa sociedade urbanizada e alfabetizada). Em 1807, foi amplamente aceito que a opinião tinha fluido para cima, não para baixo. Nas palavras da Revista de Edimburgo. O sentido da nação pressionou a abolição sobre nossos governantes. Hoje, o verdadeiro desafio é integrar a história da escravidão do Atlântico na história mais ampla de abolição. Enquanto 2007 pode oferecer a chance de pensar na abolição, no curto prazo, que o Ato notável como um momento histórico que reflete bem sobre o povo britânico em larga escala também precisa pensar no longo prazo. Quando fazemos, enfrentamos um problema muito mais problemático. O debate atual sobre reparações para a escravidão (modelado no exemplo de Israel de Israel, mas sustentado pelo 20% surpreendente dado aos plantadores em 1838) é muitas vezes confuso e é amplamente discutido simplesmente como uma questão financeira. De fato, a questão das reparações é melhor vista como parte do debate contínuo sobre o passado britânico e a concordância com um episódio histórico que permanece cru e doloroso para um grande número de cidadãos britânicos. Paráquico Educacional O Império Britânico e Escravidão No Final do século 14, os europeus começaram a levar as pessoas da África contra sua vontade. Inicialmente, eles eram usados ​​principalmente como criados para os ricos. Os europeus justificaram a tomada de escravos argumentando que eles estavam proporcionando uma oportunidade para que os africanos se tornassem cristãos. Os espanhóis foram os primeiros europeus a se envolverem na escravidão. No entanto, em 1563, Francis Drake se juntou ao seu primo, John Hawkins. Em uma viagem à África. Os dois homens começaram a capturar pessoas na Serra Leoa e a vendê-las como escravas dos colonos espanhóis no Caribe. Como era ilegal para os colonos comprarem estrangeiros, Hawkins e Drake logo entraram em conflito com as autoridades espanholas. (1) Quando os capitães marinhos espanhóis e portugueses começaram a explorar as Américas, eles levaram seus servos africanos com eles. Alguns desses africanos provaram ser excelentes exploradores. O mais importante foi Estevanico. Que liderou a primeira expedição européia para o Novo México e o Arizona. As pessoas que vivem nas Américas resistiram à tentativa dos europeus de conquistar suas terras. Uma das mais importantes lutas ocorreu em Cuba em 1512. A resistência foi liderada por Hatuey. De acordo com Bartolomeu de Las Casas, Hatuey afirmou: "Digam-nos, esses tiranos, que adoram um Deus de paz e igualdade, e ainda usurpam nossa terra e nos tornam seus escravos. Eles nos falam de uma alma imortal e de suas eternas recompensas e punições, e ainda roubam nossos pertences, seduzem nossas mulheres, violam nossas filhas. Incapazes de nos combinar com valor, esses covardes se cobrem com ferro que nossas armas não podem quebrar. (2) Diego Velaacutezquez eventualmente suprimiu a rebelião. Ele capturou Hatuey e foi executado em 2 de fevereiro de 1512. Estima-se que mais de um milhão de pessoas moravam em Cuba antes da chegada dos europeus. Vinte e cinco anos depois, faltaram apenas 2.000. Grandes números foram mortos, enquanto outros morreram de fome, doença, suicídio ou morreram devido às consequências de serem forçados a trabalhar longas horas nas minas de ouro. (3) Após a chegada dos europeus houve um declínio acentuado na população local da maioria das ilhas do mar das Caraíbas. Isso criou um problema para os europeus, pois eles precisavam de mão-de-obra para explorar os recursos naturais dessas ilhas. Eventualmente, os europeus encontraram uma solução: a importação de escravos da África. Em 1540, cerca de 10 000 escravos por ano eram trazidos da África para substituir as populações locais em queda. De acordo com Suzanne Schwarz. O autor do capitão dos escravos: A carreira de James Irving no Liverpool Slave Trade (1995): esse comércio sofisticado de carga humana era global e internacional, envolvendo todas as potências marítimas na Europa, de Espanha e Portugal a França, Inglaterra, Holanda, Dinamarca, Suécia, Noruega e até Brandemburgo. Cerca de 37 mil viagens de escravidão foram liberadas dos portos do litoral atlântico entre o início do século XVI e meados do século XIX e, coletivamente, transportaram cerca de onze milhões de indivíduos da África. (4) Companhia Real Africana Em 1672, Charles II deu o Royal African Company (RAC), o monopólio do comércio para fornecer escravos às colônias britânicas nos próximos 1.000 anos. Os britânicos construíram fortes costeiros na África, onde mantiveram os africanos capturados até a chegada dos navios escravos. Os comerciantes obtiveram os escravos dos chefes africanos, dando-lhes bens da Europa. No começo, esses escravos eram freqüentemente soldados capturados das guerras tribais. No entanto, a demanda por escravos tornou-se tão grande que os partidos de ataque foram organizados para obter jovens africanos. Nos próximos 20 anos, a empresa exportou mais de 90 mil escravos para as Américas. No século 18, a Grã-Bretanha estava principalmente interessada em África como fonte de escravos. Depois de um grande número de petições de comerciantes e fabricantes, o RAC perdeu seu monopólio para fornecer escravos ao Império britânico em 1698. Eles agora abriram o negócio para empresas independentes, mas tiveram que pagar altos impostos para o governo britânico. Isso lhes deu direitos sobre a infra-estrutura do RAC. Isso incluiu os fortes costeiros onde eles mantiveram os africanos capturados até a chegada dos navios escravos. Entre 1698 e 1797, as novas empresas transportaram 75 mil escravos, em comparação com os 18 mil que o RAC realizou. (5) Foi estimado em 1796 que o ano da citação cerca de 72.000 escravos são transportados da África para as Índias Ocidentais. Os dinamarqueses transportam cerca de 3.0000, os holandeses 7.000, os franceses 18.000, os portugueses 8.000, os ingleses têm o resto. Mais de 85 dos africanos exportados foram transportados em navios britânicos. A maioria deles estava com sede em Liverpool. Foi relatado em 1790 que os bens usados ​​para comprar escravos desta área incluíam armas, pólvora, têxteis, barras de ferro e brandy. Other popular items traded included copper, brass and pewter goods. Treatment of Slaves In 1784 William Dillwyn published The Case of our Fellow Creatures, the Oppressed Africans . Dillwyn claimed that the slave-trade encouraged wars between the different tribal groups in Africa: quotThis traffic is the principal source of the destructive wars which prevail among these unhappy people, and is attended with consequences, the mere recital of which is shocking to humanity. The violent reparation of the dearest relatives, the tears of conjugal and parental affection, the reluctance of the slaves to a voyage from which they can have no chance of returning, must present scenes of distress which would pierce the heart of any, in whom the principles of humanity are not wholly effaced. This, however, is but the beginning of sorrows with the poor captives. quot (6) Hugh Crow. the captain of The Elizabeth, arrived at Annamaboe in December, 1790. Crow later recalled: quotWe came to anchor at Annamaboe in December, 1790, after a passage of seven weeks. We lay there about three weeks without transacting any trade, the king of that part of the coast having died some time before, in consequence of which all business was suspended. According to a barbarous custom of the country on occasion of the decease of a prince twenty-three of his wives were put to death while we remained and many no doubt had met with a similar fate before our arrival. quot (7) Alexander Falconbridge. was a surgeon on board a slave ship. He wrote in 1790: quotWhen the negroes whom the black traders have to dispose of are shown to the European purchasers, they first examine them relative to age. They then minutely inspect their persons, and inquire into their state of health if they are afflicted with any infirmity, or are deformed, or have bad eyes or teeth if they are lame, or weak in the joints, or distorted in the back, or of a slender make, or are narrow in the chest in short, if they have been afflicted in any manner so as to render them incapable of such labour they are rejected. The traders frequently beat those negroes which are objected to by the captains. Instances have happened that the traders, when any of their negroes have been objected to have instantly beheaded them in the sight of the captain. quot (8) James Irving was the captain of the slave-ship, The Ellen . that was based in Liverpool. Irving wrote to his parents on 2nd January 1791: quotWe have been very busy loading the vessel. We are bound for Annamaboe in the Gold Coast, discharge what goods we have for that price and set sail from it again within 48 hours after we arrived. Then we are to call at Lagos, Accra and other parts whose name I have forget. We are then to go down as far as Benin River and stay a day or two and then go back to Anomabo from which place we are to sail for the West Indies. quot The arrived at Annamaboe on 5th April 1791, before moving onto Lagos and Accra. While on the Gold Coast Irving purchased 341 Africans, eighty-eight of whom were transferred to other ships. (9) John Newton was a slave-captain between 1747 and 1754. He wrote in Thoughts upon the African Slave Trade (1787): quotThe slaves, in general, are bought, and paid for. Sometimes, when goods are lent, or trusted on shore, the trader voluntarily leaves a free person, perhaps his own son, as a hostage, or pawn, for the payment and, in case or default, the hostage is carried off, and sold which, however hard upon him, being in consequence of a free stipulation, cannot be deemed unfair. There have been instances of unprincipled captains, who, at the close of what they supposed their last voyage, and when they had no intention of revisiting the coast, have detained, and carried away, free people with them and left the next ship, that should come from the same port, to risk the consequences. But these actions, I hope, and believe, are not common. quot (10) Explorers gave details of how the system worked. Mungo Park witnessed the taking of slaves from Africa. quotThe slaves are commonly secured by putting the right leg of one, and the left of another into the same pair of fetters. By supporting the fetters with string they can walk very slowly. Every four slaves are likewise fastened together by the necks. They were led out in their fetters every morning to the shade of the tamarind tree where they were encouraged to sing diverting songs to keep up their spirits for although some of them sustained the hardships of their situation with amazing fortitude, the greater part were very much dejected, and would sit all day in the sort of sullen melancholy with their eyes fixed upon the ground. quot (11) The merchants obtained the slaves from African chiefs by giving them goods from Europe. At first, these slaves were often the captured soldiers from tribal wars. However, the demand for slaves become so great that raiding parties were organised to obtain young Africans. Ottobah Cugoano was a 13 year-old boy from Ghana when he was captured by slave traders: quotI was snatched away from my native country, with about eighteen or twenty more boys and girls, as we were playing in a field. We lived but a few days journey from the coast where we were kidnapped. Some of us attempted, in vain, to run away, but pistols and cutlasses were soon introduced, threatening, that if we offered to stir, we should all lie dead on the spot. quot (12) Olaudah Equiano was living in an Igbo village in the kingdom of Benin in 1756: quotOne day, when all our people were gone out to their works as usual, and only I and my dear sister were left to mind the house, two men and a woman got over our walls, and in a moment seized us both and, without giving us time to cry out, or make resistance, they stopped our mouths, and ran off with us into the nearest wood. Here they tied our hands, and continued to carry us as far as they could, till night came on, when we reached a small house, where the robbers halted for refreshment, and spent the night. We were then unbound but were unable to take any food and, being quite overpowered by fatigue and grief, our only relief was some sleep, which allayed our misfortune for a short time. The first object which saluted my eyes when I arrived on the coast, was the sea, and a slave ship, which was then riding at anchor, and waiting for its cargo. These filled me with astonishment, which was soon converted into terror, when I was carried on board. I was immediately handled, and tossed up to see if I were sound, by some of the crew. quot (13) It is estimated that up to 15 million Africans were transported to the Americas between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries. (14) To maximize their profits slave merchants carried as many slaves as was physically possible on their ships. By the 17th century slaves could be purchased in Africa for about 25 and sold in the Americas for about 150. Even with a death-rate of 50 per cent, merchants could expect to make tremendous profits from the trade. The Liverpool merchant William Davenport reported that some voyages gave him a profit of as much as 147 on his investment. (15) Working on a slave-ship could also be very profitable. James Irving was a surgeon on the ship Vulture that sailed to Jamaica in November 1782. It has been argued by Suzanne Schwarz. the author of Slave Captain: The Career of James Irving in the Liverpool Slave Trade (1995): quotAssuming that Irving was paid pound4 wages a month, together with the value of two privilege slaves and one shilling head money for each of the 592 slaves delivered alive to the West Indies, it is likely that Irving earned approximately pound140 from this voyage. This is consistent with the average voyage earnings of slave-ship surgeons in the late eighteenth century, which were typically between pound100 and pound150.quot (16) The conditions on board the slave-ships were so appalling that rebellious slaves had to be punished very severely. Thomas Phillips. a slave-ship captain, wrote an account of his activities in A Journal of a Voyage (1746): quotI have been informed that some commanders have cut off the legs or arms of the most willful slaves, to terrify the rest, for they believe that, if they lose a member, they cannot return home again: I was advised by some of my officers to do the same, but I could not be persuaded to entertain the least thought of it, much less to put in practice such barbarity and cruelty to poor creatures who, excepting their want of Christianity and true religion (their misfortune more than fault), are as much the works of Gods hands, and no doubt as dear to him as ourselves. quot (17) Thomas Trotter. a physician working on the slave-ship, Brookes . told a House of Commons committee in 1790: quotThe slaves that are out of irons are locked spoonways and locked to one another. It is the duty of the first mate to see them stowed in this manner every morning those which do not get quickly into their places are compelled by the cat and, such was the situation when stowed in this manner, and when the ship had much motion at sea, they were often miserably bruised against the deck or against each other. I have seen their breasts heaving and observed them draw their breath, with all those laborious and anxious efforts for life which we observe in expiring animals subjected by experiment to bad air of various kinds. quot (18) It has been estimated that the mortality rate of Africans on board British ships was 13 per cent. (19) Church of England and Slavery The Church of England gave its full support to the British slave trade. Its leading clergy had stated its position on a number of occasions. Reference was made to St Paul who suggested that slaves serve their masters quotwith fear and tremblingquot. It was argued that what St Paul meant was that quotliberty could only be expected in the next world. quot (20) Another source often quoted was The City of God . a book of Christian philosophy written in Latin by Augustine of Hippo (later St. Augustine) in the early 5th century AD. According to Augustine, quotby preserving the institution of slavery mankind could be disciplined and his self-aggrandisement corrected and because no man was innocent, it was Gods will alone who should be master and who should be a slavequot. (21) In 1778, the Reverend Raymond Harris produced a wealth of scriptural evidence to support his contention that slavery, and particularly slavery of blacks, was in accordance with the word of God. He used several passages from the Old Testament that suggested God approved of slavery. He also used the New Testament to support his view of slavery. Harris quoted from Christs Sermon on the Mount as the basis for his argument that Christianity recognised the existing systems and institutions. quotThink not that I am come to destroy the Law of the Prophets I am not come to destroy but to fulfil. quot (22) The Church of England also owned a large number of slaves. Its missionary arm, the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. were active in those areas where there were slave populations. Some wealthy slave owners, left them to the church when they died. Christopher Codrington. who owned a plantation in Barbados. and in a good year made a profit of pound2,000 - roughly pound265,000 in todays money. Codrington left 750 slaves to the Church. Soon afterwards the words quotSOCIETYquot was burned onto the chests of slaves with a red-hot iron. (23) In February 1766, William Warburton. the Bishop of Gloucester, made the first denunciation of the slave trade by a member of the Established Church when he complained that these bequeaths resulted in the Church becoming quotinnocent partakers of the fruits of this iniquitous trafficquot. (24) Despite this comment the plantation had one of the worst records in the Caribbean, with the death-rate being about five-sixths the birth-rate. quot (25) Anti-Slavery Movement Opposition to slavery mainly came from the Nonconformist religions. George Fox. the leader of the Society of Friends (Quakers), visited Jamaica in 1671. He encountered African slaves for the first time and responded by condemning the institution of slavery. As a result Quaker settlements in North America abhorred slavery and many took every opportunity to speak out at the injustices of the system and of the means of transportation bringing them to the New World. (26) John Wesley. the leader of the Methodists. also opposed slavery. In his pamphlet, Thoughts Upon Slavery (1744) he argued: quotI absolutely deny all slave holding to be consistent with any degree of even natural justice. Give liberty to whom liberty is due, that is to to every child of man, to every partaker of human nature. Let none serve you but by his own act and deed, by his own voluntary choice. quot (27) The Unitarian movement was united in its opposition to slavery. People such as Joseph Priestley. Josiah Wedgwood. Thomas Bentley and Erasmus Darwin were all active in the anti-slavery movement. There is no set doctrinal beliefs that all Unitarians agree on. In fact, the most important aspect of Unitarianism is the right of individuals to develop their own religious opinions. Unitarians tend to believe that Jesus Christ was a human religious leader to be followed but not worshipped. Unitarians argued that Jesus is the quotgreat exemplar which we ought to copy in order to perfect our union with Godquot. (28) Some members of the Church of England were opposed to the slave trade. Two of them, Granville Sharp and Thomas Clarkson established the Society for the Abolition of the Slave Trade in 1787. However, nine out of the twelve members on the committee, were Quakers. It also gained the support of political radicals such as Samuel Romilly. John Cartwright. John Horne Tooke. John Thelwall. Thomas Walker. Joseph Gales and William Smith who were also involved in the campaign for universal suffrage. Josiah Wedgwood joined the organising committee. He urged his friends to join the organisation. Wedgwood wrote to James Watt asking for his support: quotI take it for granted that you and I are on the same side of the question respecting the slave trade. I have joined my brethren here in a petition from the pottery for abolition of it, as I do not like a half-measure in this black business. quot (29) As Adam Hochschild. the author of Bury the Chains: The British Struggle to Abolish Slavery (2005) has pointed out: quotWedgwood asked one of his craftsmen to design a seal for stamping the wax used to close envelopes. It showed a kneeling African in chains, lifting his hands beseechingly. quot It included the words: quotAm I Not a Man and a Brotherquot Hochschild goes onto argue that quotreproduced everywhere from books and leaflets to snuffboxes and cufflinks, the image was an instant hit. Wedgwoods kneeling African, the equivalent of the label buttons we wear for electoral campaigns, was probably the first widespread use of a logo designed for a political cause. quot (30) Wedgwood Slave Emancipation Medallion, black on yellow jasper (1787) Thomas Clarkson explained: quotSome had them inlaid in gold on the lid of their snuff boxes. Of the ladies, several wore them in bracelets, and others had them fitted up in an ornamental manner as pins for their hair. At length the taste for wearing them became general, and this fashion, which usually confines itself to worthless things, was seen for once in the honourable office of promoting the cause of justice, humanity and freedom. quot (31) Hundreds of these images were produced. Benjamin Franklin suggested that the image was quotequal to that of the best written pamphletquot. Men displayed them as shirt pins and coat buttons. Whereas women used the image in bracelets, brooches and ornamental hairpins. In this way, women could show their anti-slavery opinions at a time when they were denied the vote. Later, a group of women designed their own medal, quotAm I Not a Slave And A Sisterquot (32) quotAm I Not a Slave And A Sisterquot When the Society for the Abolition of the Slave Trade was set up in 1783 it had an exclusively male organization. Some of the leaders of the anti-slavery movement such as William Wilberforce were totally opposed to women being involved in the campaign. One of Wilberforces concerns was that women wanted to go further than the abolition of the slave trade. Early women activists such as Anne Knight and Elizabeth Heyrick were in favour of the immediate abolition of slavery, whereas Wilberforce believed that the movement should concentrate on bringing an end to the slave trade. Heyrick criticised the mainstream anti-slavery figures for their quotslow, cautious, accommodating measuresquot. (33) In 1805 the House of Commons passed a bill that made it unlawful for any British subject to capture and transport slaves, but the measure was blocked by the House of Lords. In February 1806, Lord Grenville formed a Whig administration. Grenville and his Foreign Secretary, Charles Fox. were strong opponents of the slave trade. Fox and William Wilberforce led the campaign in the House of Commons, whereas Grenville, had the task of persuading the House of Lords to accept the measure. Greenville made a passionate speech where he argued that the trade was quotcontrary to the principles of justice, humanity and sound policyquot and criticised fellow members for quotnot having abolished the trade long agoquot. When the vote was taken the Abolition of the Slave Trade bill was passed in the House of Lords by 41 votes to 20. In the House of Commons it was carried by 114 to 15 and it become law on 25th March, 1807. (34) After the passing of Abolition of the Slave Trade Act in 1807, British captains who were caught continuing the trade were fined 163100 for every slave found on board. However, this law did not stop the British slave trade. If slave-ships were in danger of being captured by the British navy, captains often reduced the fines they had to pay by ordering the slaves to be thrown into the sea. Some people involved in the anti-slave trade campaign argued that the only way to end the suffering of the slaves was to make slavery illegal. A new Anti-Slavery Society was formed in 1823. Members included Thomas Clarkson. Henry Brougham. William Wilberforce and Thomas Fowell Buxton. Although women were allowed to be members they were virtually excluded from its leadership. Records show that about ten per cent of the financial supporters of the organisation were women. In some areas, such as Manchester. women made up over a quarter of all subscribers. On 8th April, 1825, a meeting took place at the home of Lucy Townsend in Birmingham to discuss the issue of the role of women in the anti-slavery movement. Townsend, Elizabeth Heyrick. Mary Lloyd. Sarah Wedgwood. Sophia Sturge and the other women at the meeting decided to form the Birmingham Ladies Society for the Relief of Negro Slaves (later the group changed its name to the Female Society for Birmingham). (35) The formation of other independent womens groups soon followed. This included groups in Nottingham (Ann Taylor Gilbert), Sheffield (Mary Ann Rawson, Mary Roberts), Leicester (Elizabeth Heyrick, Susanna Watts), Glasgow (Jane Smeal ), Norwich (Amelia Alderson Opie, Anna Gurney), London (Mary Anne Schimmelpenninck, Mary Foster), Darlington (Elizabeth Pease ) and Chelmsford (Anne Knight ). By 1831 there were seventy-three of these womens organisations campaigning against slavery. (36) Josiah Wedgwood. Joseph Priestley. Thomas Day and Erasmus Darwin helped form the Birmingham Anti-Slavery Committee. They were attacked by several leading merchants in the city and some of them even petitioned Parliament against abolition. Priestley declared that although they supported the commercial interests, they would oppose quotany commerce which always originates in violence and often terminates in crueltyquot. (37) Parliament passed the Slavery Abolition Act in 1833. This act gave all slaves in the British Empire their freedom. The British government paid pound20 million in compensation to the slave owners. The amount that the plantation owners received depended on the number of slaves that they had. For example, the Bishop of Exeters 665 slaves resulted in him receiving 16312,700. (38) Primary Sources (1) Ottobah Cugoano. Narrative of the Enslavement of a Native of Africa (1787) I was early snatched away from my native country, with about eighteen or twenty more boys and girls, as we were playing in a field. We lived but a few days journey from the coast where we were kidnapped, and consigned to Grenada. Some of us attempted, in vain, to run away, but pistols and cutlasses were soon introduced, threatening, that if we offered to stir, we should all lie dead on the spot. We were soon led out of the way which we knew, and towards evening, as we came in sight of a town. I was soon conducted to a prison, for three days, where I heard the groans and cries of many, and saw some of my fellow-captives. But when a vessel arrived to conduct us away to the ship, it was a most horrible scene there was nothing to be heard but the rattling of chains, smacking of whips, and the groans and cries of our fellow-men. Some would not stir from the ground, when they were lashed and beat in the most horrible manner. (2) Hugh Crow. The Memoirs of Captain Hugh Crow (1830) We came to anchor at Annamaboe in December, 1790, after a passage of seven weeks. We lay there about three weeks without transacting any trade, the king of that part of the coast having died some time before, in consequence of which all business was suspended. According to a barbarous custom of the country on occasion of the decease of a prince twenty-three of his wives were put to death while we remained and many no doubt had met with a similar fate before our arrival. Yet to become the wives of these great men was considered, by the parents of the females, a high and honourable distinction. It was stated to me that the late king of Dahomy, a great kingdom in the interior, had seven hundred wives, all of whom were sacrificed soon after his decease and Captain Ferrer, a gentleman of talent and observation, who happened to be at Dahomy during the perpetration of this horrid butchery, afterwards testified the fact in the British House of Commons. His evidence was, however, of little avail, for Mr. Wilberforce and his party threw discredit upon the whole statement. After some delay at Annamaboe (where I first became acquainted with my excellent friend Captain Luke Mann), we proceeded to a place called Lagos, with negroes, and thence to Benin. We traded between both places for several months, so that I acquired a considerable knowledge, as a pilot, of that part of the coast. I was much pleased with the gentle manners of the natives of Benin, who are truly a fine tractable race of people. When they meet an European they fall down on the right knee, clap their hands three times, and exclaim quotDoe ba, doe baquot that is quot We reverence youquot They then shake hands, in their way, by giving three fillips with the finger. The agents who were employed on different parts of the coast by our owner, Mr. Dawson, having all fallen victims to the climate in a few months after their arrival, in order that we might convey to him the melancholy news as soon as possible, we took in a quantity of ivory and other articles and sailed from Benin. We arrived at Liverpool in August, 1791 - where after my recovery from an attack of jaundice I engaged to go as mate in a fine ship called The Bell . Captain Rigby, belonging to William Harper, Esq. and bound to Cape Mount, on the windward coast of Africa. (3) Olaudah Equiano. was captured and sold as a slave in the kingdom of Benin in Africa. He wrote about his experiences in The Life of Olaudah Equiano the African (1789) Generally, when the grown people in the neighbourhood were gone far in the fields to labour, the children assembled together in some of the neighborhoods premises to play and commonly some of us used to get up a tree to look out for any assailant, or kidnapper, that might come upon us for they sometimes took those opportunities of our parents absence, to attack and carry off as many as they could seize. One day, when all our people were gone out to their works as usual, and only I and my dear sister were left to mind the house, two men and a woman got over our walls, and in a moment seized us both and, without giving us time to cry out, or make resistance, they stopped our mouths, and ran off with us into the nearest wood. Here they tied our hands, and continued to carry us as far as they could, till night came on, when we reached a small house, where the robbers halted for refreshment, and spent the night. We were then unbound but were unable to take any food and, being quite overpowered by fatigue and grief, our only relief was some sleep, which allayed our misfortune for a short time. The first object which saluted my eyes when I arrived on the coast, was the sea, and a slave ship, which was then riding at anchor, and waiting for its cargo. These filled me with astonishment, which was soon converted into terror, when I was carried on board. I was immediately handled, and tossed up to see if I were sound, by some of the crew and I was now persuaded that I had gotten into a world of bad spirits, and that they were going to kill me. (4) William Dillwyn. The Case of our Fellow Creatures, the Oppressed Africans (1784) It would surely have been more constant with the avowed principles of Englishmen, both as men and as Christians, if their settlement in heathen countries had been succeeded by mild and benevolent attempts to civilize their inhabitants, and to incline them to receive the glad tidings of the gospel. But how different a conduct towards them has been pursued. It has not only been repugnant, in a political view, to those commercial advantages which a fair and honourable treatment might have procured, but has evidently tended to increase the barbarity of their manners, and to excite in their minds an aversion to that religion. This traffic is the principal source of the destructive wars which prevail among these unhappy people, and is attended with consequences, the mere recital of which is shocking to humanity. The violent reparation of the dearest relatives, the tears of conjugal and parental affection, the reluctance of the slaves to a voyage from which they can have no chance of returning, must present scenes of distress which would pierce the heart of any, in whom the principles of humanity are not wholly effaced. This, however, is but the beginning of sorrows with the poor captives. Under their cruel treatment on the ships, where, without regard to health or decency, hundreds are confined within the narrow limits of the hold, numbers perish and, by what is called the seasoning in the islands, many are relieved by a premature death, from that suffering. (5) John Newton. Thoughts upon the African Slave Trade (1787) Some people suppose, that the ship trade is rather the stealing, than the buying of slaves. But there is enough to lay to the charge of the ships, without accusing them falsely. The slaves, in general, are bought, and paid for. Sometimes, when goods are lent, or trusted on shore, the trader voluntarily leaves a free person, perhaps his own son, as a hostage, or pawn, for the payment and, in case or default, the hostage is carried off, and sold which, however hard upon him, being in consequence of a free stipulation, cannot be deemed unfair. There have been instances of unprincipled Captains, who, at the close of what they supposed their last voyage, and when they had no intention of revisiting the coast, have detained, and carried away, free people with them and left the next ship, that should come from the same port, to risk the consequences. But these actions, I hope, and believe, are not common. With regard to the natives, to steal a free man or woman, and to sell them on board a ship, would, I think, be a more difficult, and more dangerous attempt, in Sherbro, than in London. But I have no doubt, that the traders who come, from the interior parts of Africa, at a great distance, find opportunity, in the course of their journey, to pick up stragglers, whom they may meet in their way. This branch of oppression, and robbery, would likewise fail, if the temptation to it were removed. (6) Mungo Park was a Scottish explorer who went to Africa to find the source of the River Niger. He wrote about his experiences in his book Travels to the Interiors of Africa (1799). The slaves are commonly secured by putting the right leg of one, and the left of another into the same pair of fetters. By supporting the fetters with string they can walk very slowly. Every four slaves are likewise fastened together by the necks. They were led out in their fetters every morning to the shade of the tamarind tree where they were encouraged to sing diverting songs to keep up their spirits for although some of them sustained the hardships of their situation with amazing fortitude, the greater part were very much dejected, and would sit all day in the sort of sullen melancholy with their eyes fixed upon the ground. I suppose, not more than one-fourth part of the inhabitants at large the other three-fourths are in a state of hopeless and hereditary slavery and are employed in cultivating the land, in the care of cattle, and in servile offices of all kinds, much in the same manner as the slaves in the West Indies. I was told, however, that the Mandingo master can neither deprive his slave of life, nor sell him to a stranger, without first calling a palaver on his conduct or, in other words, bringing him to a public trial but this degree of protection is extended only to the native of domestic slave. Captives taken in war, and those unfortunate victims who are condemned to slavery for crimes or insolvency, and, in short, all those unhappy people who are brought down from the interior countries for sale, have no security whatever, but may be treated and disposed of in all respects as the owner thinks proper. It sometimes happens, indeed, when no ships are on the coast, that a humane and considerate master incorporates his purchased slaves among his domestics and their offspring at least, if not the parents, become entitled to all the privileges of the native class. (7) Alexander Falcolnbridge visited Africa in the 1780s. He wrote about what he saw in his book An Account of the Slave Trade on the Coast of Africa (1788). When the negroes whom the black traders have to dispose of are shown to the European purchasers, they first examine them relative to age. They then minutely inspect their persons, and inquire into their state of health if they are afflicted with any infirmity, or are deformed, or have bad eyes or teeth if they are lame, or weak in the joints, or distorted in the back, or of a slender make, or are narrow in the chest in short, if they have been afflicted in any manner so as to render them incapable of such labour they are rejected. The traders frequently beat those negroes which are objected to by the captains. Instances have happened that the traders, when any of their negroes have been objected to have instantly beheaded them in the sight of the captain. (8) John Brown, aged 87, interviewed as part of the Federal Writers Project in 1937. Most of the time there was more than three hundred slaves on the plantation. The oldest ones come right from Africa. My grandmother was one of them. A savage in Africa - a slave in America. Mammy told it to me. Over there all the natives dressed naked and lived on fruits and nuts. Never see many white men. One day a big ship stopped off the shore and the natives hid in the brush along the beach. Grandmother was there. The ship men sent a little boat to the shore and scattered bright things and trinkets on the beach. The natives were curious. Grandmother said everybody made a rush for them things soon as the boat left. The trinkets was fewer than the peoples. Next day the white folks scatter some more. There was another scramble. The natives was feeling less scared, and the next day some of them walked up the gangplank to get things off the plank and off the deck. The deck was covered with things like theyd found on the beach. Two-three hundred natives on the ship when they feel it move. They rush to the side but the plank was gone. Just dropped in the water when the ship moved away. Folks on the beach started to crying and shouting. The ones on the boat was wild with fear. Grandmother was one of them who got fooled, and she say the last thing seen of that place was the natives running up and down the beach waving their arms and shouting like they was mad. The boat men come up from below where they had been hiding and drive the slaves down in the bottom and keep them quiet with the whips and clubs. The slaves was landed at Charleston. The town folks was mighty mad because the blacks was driven through the streets without any clothes, and drove off the boat men after the slaves was sold on the market. Most of that load was sold to the Brown plantation in Alabama. Grandmother was one of the bunch. (9) Gad Heuman and James Walvin. The Atlantic Slave Trade (2003) The number of Africans involved is stunning. Though the history of the Atlantic crossing is remarkably varied and changed across time and from place to place, the evidence remains astounding. Something like 12 million Africans were forced into the Atlantic slave ships, and perhaps 10.5 million Africans survived the ordeal to make landfall in the Americas. Although it would be wrong to concentrate solely on the simple data and to be sidetracked into the statistics of the problem, it is nevertheless vital to get the figures right and to come to as accurate a conclusion as possible about the volume and scale of this enforced human migration. The figures cannot speak for themselves, of course, and must be teased apart to reveal the human experience which lurks behind them. Fortunately, the research of the past thirty years now allows us to make some straightforward assertions about the Atlantic slave trade. The English were drawn to West Africa by the Portuguese and Spanish successes. Their initial efforts were mainly privateering raids, but by the early seventeenth century the English began to trade seriously in the region, thanks in part to the acquisition of colonies in the Americas. The English slave trade was organised first through state-backed monopoly companies. But from the beginning, interlopers sought to penetrate those trading restrictions. Like others nations before them, the English found that the key to the expansion of their slave trading was to be found in the Americas. The settlement of West Indian islands, notably Barbados and Jamaica, and the development of the Chesapeake colonies, laid the foundations for British colonial demand for imported labour. After experiments with different forms of labour, local settlers in all those places turned to African slaves. In Barbados between 1650 and 1680, the slaves increased from 50 per cent to 70 per cent of the population. In Jamaica the 9,500 slaves of 1673 grew to 100,000 by 1740. The numbers in the Chesapeake were smaller, but still significant. The handful of Africans landed at Jamestown in 1619 had increased, but only to 1,700 by 1660, to 4,000 in 1680, with perhaps an extra 3,000 arriving in the last years of the century. This changed dramatically in the next century, however, when 100,000 Africans were landed in the region. So expansive was this demand in the Americas that English monopolists were never able fully to satisfy it. Yet by 1670 the British had become the dominant force in the Atlantic trade. Indeed, in the 150 years to 1807 (when the British abolished their slave trade) they carried as many Africans across the Atlantic as all other slave-trading nations combined. They shipped some 3.5 million Africans in those years, at a rate of about 6,700 a year in 1670 and perhaps 42,000 a year a century later. Three British ports - London, then Bristol and, from about 1750 onwards, Liverpool - dominated the British slave trade. By 1728-1729 half of the British tonnage clearing for Africa came from Bristol, and by the early 1730s Bristol merchants were investing up to pound60,000 a year into the slave trade, rising to pound150,000 a year at mid-century. But a host of small ports joined in, although often it is true on a very small scale. These included, remarkably enough, Lyme Regis, Whitehaven and Lancaster. Throughout, however, London remained the dominant financial force within the British slave trade. Though ports drew on local backers and skills, London financed most slave-trading investments until the early eighteenth century. From about 1750 onwards that role fell to Liverpool, although London was always vital to the Atlantic trade, accepting bills of exchange used by West Indians, Americans and Britons. From a total of some 11,000 slave voyages made by British ships, about one-half sailed from Liverpool. Student ActivitiesThe transatlantic slave trade is unique within the universal history of slavery for three main reasons: its duration - approximately four centuries those vicitimized: black African men, women and children the intellectual legitimization attempted on its behalf - the development of an anti-black ideology and its legal organization, the notorious Code noir . As a commercial and economic enterprise, the slave trade provides a dramatic example of the consequences resulting from particular intersections of history and geography. It involved several regions and continents: Africa, America, the Caribbean, Europe and the Indian Ocean. The transatlantic slave trade is often regarded as the first system of globalization. According to French historian Jean-Michel Deveau the slave trade and consequently slavery, which lasted from the 16th to the 19th century, constitute one of quotthe greatest tragedies in the history of humanity in terms of scale and durationquot. The transatlantic slave trade was the biggest deportation in history and a determining factor in the world economy of the 18th century. Millions of Africans were torn from their homes, deported to the American continent and sold as slaves. Triangular Trade The transatlantic slave trade, often known as the triangular trade, connected the economies of three continents. It is estimated that between 25 to 30 million people, men, women and children, were deported from their homes and sold as slaves in the different slave trading systems. In the transatlantic slave trade alone the estimate of those deported is believed to be approximately 17 million. These figures exclude those who died aboard the ships and in the course of wars and raids connected to the trade. The trade proceeded in three steps. The ships left Western Europe for Africa loaded with goods which were to be exchanged for slaves. Upon their arrival in Africa the captains traded their merchandise for captive slaves. Weapons and gun powder were the most important commodities but textiles, pearls and other manufactured goods, as well as rum, were also in high demand. The exchange could last from one week to several months. The second step was the crossing of the Atlantic. Africans were transported to America to be sold throughout the continent. The third step connected America to Europe. The slave traders brought back mostly agricultural products, produced by the slaves. The main product was sugar, followed by cotton, coffee, tobacco and rice. The circuit lasted approximately eighteen months. In order to be able to transport the maximum number of slaves, the ships steerage was frequently removed. Spain, Portugal, the Netherlands, England and France, were the main triangular trading countries. For more information :